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It is exemplified also in unions which take place internally, as the groupsbecome better organized. There are two orders of these, broadly distinguishableas regulative and operative. A civilized society is made unlike a savagetribe by the establishment of regulative classes-governmental, administrative,military, ecclesiastical, legal, etc., which, while they severally have theirbonds of union, constituting them sub-classes, are also held together asa general class by a certain community of privileges, of blood, of education,of intercourse. In some societies, fully developed after their particulartypes, this consolidation into castes, and this union among the upper castesby separation from the lower eventually grow very decided: to be afterwardsrendered less decided, only in cases of social metamorphosis caused by theindustrial régime. The integrations seen throughout the operativeor industrial organization, later in origin, are not merely of this indirectkind, but they are also direct -- they show us physical approach. We haveintegrations consequent on the growths of adjacent parts performing likefunctions; as, for instance, the junction of Manchester with its calico-weavingsuburbs. We have other integrations which arise when, out of several placesproducing a particular commodity, one gaining more and more of the business,draws to it masters and workers, and leaves the other places to dwindle;as witness the growth of the Yorkshire cloth-districts at the expense ofthose in the West of England; or the absorption by Staffordshire of the pottery-manufacture,and the consequent decay of establishments at Derby and elsewhere. We havethose more special integrations that arise within the same city; whence resultthe concentration of corn-merchants about Mark Lane, of civil engineers inGreat George Street, of bankers in the centre of the city. Industrial integrationswhich consist, not in the approximation or fusion of parts, but in the establishmentof centres of connexion, are shown in the Bankers' clearing-house and theRailway clearing-house. While of yet another species are those unions whichbring into relation dispersed citizens who are occupied in like ways; astraders are brought by the Exchange, and as are professional men by instituteslike those of Civil Engineers, Architects, etc.

These seem to be the last of our instances. Having followed up the generallaw to social aggregates, there apparently remain no other aggregates towhich it can apply. This, however, is not true. Among what were above distinguishedas super-organic phenomena, there are sundry further groups of remarkableillustrations. Though evolutions of the various products of social activitiescannot be said directly to exemplify the integration of matter and dissipationof motion, yet they exemplify it indirectly. For the progress of Language,of Science, and of the Arts, industrial and aesthetic, is an objective registerof subjective changes. Alterations of structure in human beings, and concomitantalterations of structure in aggregates of human beings, jointly produce correspondingalterations of structure in all those things which humanity creates. As inthe changed impress on the wax, we read a change in the seal; so in the integrationsof advancing Language, Science, and Art, we see reflected certain integrationsof advancing human structure, individual and social. A section must be devotedto each group. §112. Among uncivilized races, the many-syllabled names of not uncommonobjects, as well as the descriptive character of proper names, show thatthe words used for the less-familiar things are formed by uniting the wordsused for the more-familiar things. This process of composition is sometimesfound in its incipient stage -- a stage in which the component words aretemporarily joined to signify some unnamed object, and, from lack of frequentuse, do not permanently cohere. But in most inferior languages, the processof "agglutination" has gone far enough to produce some stabilityin the compound words: there is a manifest integration. How small is thisintegration, however, in comparison with that reached in well-developed languages,is shown both by the great length of the compound words used for common thingsand acts, and by the separableness of their elements. Certain North-Americantongues illustrate this very well. In a Ricaree vocabulary extending to fiftynames of common objects, which in English are nearly all expressed by singlesyllables, there is not one monosyllabic word. Things so familiar to thesehunting tribes as dog and bow, are, in the Pawnee language, ashakish andteeragish; the hand and the eyes are respectively iksheeree and keereekoo. for day the term is shakoorooeeshairet, and for devil it is tsaheekshkakooraiwah. while the numerals are composed of from two syllables up to five, and inRicaree up to seven. That the great length of these familiar words implieslow development, and that in the formation of higher languages out of lowerthere is a gradual integration, which reduces the polysyllables to dissyllablesand monosyllables, is an inference confirmed by the history of our own language.